Archer and Harman on modes of reduction

Reading Immaterialism by Graham Harman, I’m struck by the overlap between his account of ‘duomining’ and Margaret Archer’s critique of conflation. As he writes on pg 27-28,

“If we reduce an object downward to its pieces, we cannot explain emergence; if we reduce it upwards to its effects, we cannot explain change.”

While Archer’s argument is made in terms of the structure/agency problem, it can easily be recast in terms of structure alone. If we reduce social structure to the individuals who comprise it (alongside other material elements, which Archer is less sensitive to), we cannot explain how certain arrangements of people and things assume characteristics which the same ‘pieces’ lack in other arrangements (upwards conflation). If we focus solely on the effects of social structure, identifying how it constrains and enables individuals, we cannot explain how that structure might itself undergo change because it is the only causal power we admit (downwards conflation).

However this is only an overlap, as Archer and Harman’s arguments about modes of reduction are made for different reasons and they later diverge. Archer is concerned with the analytical temptations which inhere in the structure/agency problem that social science invariably confronts, even when it attempts to suppress it through various means. In contrast, Harman is concerned with ‘undermining’ and ‘overmining’ as two fundamental forms of knowledge which cannot be avoided: “what a thing is made of” (undermining) and “what a thing does” (overmining) (pg 28). Archer is concerned with a denial of relationality, as well as its temporal unfolding, with downwards and upwards conflation charged with suppressing the interplay over time between the different kinds of entities which make up the social word. Harman is concerned with the denial of objects as such, reducing their reality to the parts and their effects, losing a grip on the entity which is composed of these parts and capable of these effects without being reducible to either.

Both approaches explore a tension between the analytical and the ontological. Harman’s notion of overmining, which I found much less straightforward to grasp than his notion of undermining, identifies its roots in the tendency to treat objects as mysterious and unknowable in themselves. An ontological claim licenses an analytical one, as the analyst focuses upon the effects of objects as something epistemically tractable in contrast to the objects themselves. Even if they continue to recognise the reality of the object, it is a notional recognition which doesn’t enter into their analysis. This is something Harman addresses explicitly on pg 28:

After all, any claim that a thing is convertible into knowledge cannot account for the obvious and permanent difference between a thing and knowledge of it: if we had perfect mathematised knowledge of a dog, this knowledge would still not be a dog. It will be said that this is a “straw man” argument, since philosophers are obviously aware that knowledge is different from its object. Yet it is not a question of whether philosophers are personally “aware” of this, but of whether their philosophies sufficiently account for it.”

To which we might add: ‘and whether they incline social scientists drawing on their ideas to factor this awareness into their explanations’. This interface between the ontological and the analytical one is one that has long fascinated me: how does theory constrain and enable the explanations which enter into social inquiry? What other forms of ‘conceptual slippage’ can we identify as ontological claims contribute to social analysis?

Pierre Bourdieu, liberal thought and the ontology of collectives

Well over a decade ago, I was due to start a PhD in Political Philosophy looking at ideas of the individual within liberal thought. There are many reasons why I ultimately moved into a Sociology department instead, though my lack of regrets about this choice hasn’t stopped me occasionally wondering what might this thesis might have looked like. It occurred this morning when reading a collection of Bourdieu’s political writings (Political Interventions: Social Science and Political Action) that one likely outcome would have been a subsequent study on liberalism’s difficulty with collectives. As Bourdieu writes, reproduced on pg 58:

Liberal philosophy identifies political action with solitary action, even silent and secret action, its paradigm being the vote ‘acquired’ by a party in the secret of the polling booth. In this way, by reducing group to series, the mobilised opinion of an organised or solidaristic collective is reduced to a statical aggregation of individually expressed opinions.

The difficulty posed by collectives concerns the empirical refutation of this often unstated principle. Actually existing collectives, with all their emergent mess, make it difficult to reduce group to series by methodological slight of hand. The noise and assertion which characterise them challenge us to treat them as collectives. But the broader edifice of liberal thought is dependent on melting collectives into aggregates:

Political action is thus reduced to a kind of economic action. The logic of the market or of the vote, in other words, the aggregation of individual strategies, imposes itself each time that groups are reduced to the state of aggregates – or, if you prefer, demobilised. When, in effect, a group is reduced to impotence (or to individual strategies of subversion, sabotage, wastefulness, go-slows, isolated protest, absenteeism, etc.), because it lacks power over itself, the common problem of each of its members remains in a state of unease and cannot be expressed as a political problem.

How should we conceive of the relationship between individuals and collectives? Much of what I’ve done in the last ten years is ultimately motivated by this question. This paper last year explored the biographical constitution of social movements under digital capitalism, arguing that ‘distracted people’ have much more inconsistent trajectories of participation, with implications for the emergent characteristics of social movements themselves:

Social movements often make an important contribution to the normative order within social life but how are their dynamics changing under conditions of social morphogenesis? It is clear that the emergence and normalisation of social media entail affordances for mobilisation that have important implications for social movements. However there is little agreement upon precisely what these implications are and whether they can or should be evaluated in general terms. This chapters takes a novel approach to this question, exploring the technological dimensions of social morphogenesis and their consequences for the ‘distracted people’ who comprise social movements. Using the relational realist theory developed by Margaret Archer and Pierpaolo Donati, I offer a novel account of the constitution of social movements that invites us to ask questions about the emergence and durability of new movements that are obscured by alternative theoretical approaches which fail to recognise both the emergent and relational constitution of collectives.

At some point I’d also like to pursue these issues at the level of cultural representation. For instance in the representation of mindless hoards posing a threat to the liberal order:

The relation between individuals and collectives plays out at many levels. My concern is to reclaim it as a meta-categorical feature of discourse, such that the connections between these different levels can be explored. I’m still rather far away from doing this, but at least the ambition is relatively clear to me now.

an interview with Christian Smith about the need for sociology to do ontology

The Ontology of Corporate Grievance

There’s an interesting section of In The Plex which details quite how much Microsoft’s Steve Ballmer hated Google. From pg 282-283:

Just how intensely Microsoft’s CEO, Steve Ballmer, despised his competitor to the south became clear in depositions that would be filed in the Lee lawsuit. The year before, in November 2004, a top Microsoft executive named Mark Lucovsky had gone to Steve Ballmer with the unwelcome news that he was leaving Microsoft. “ Just tell me it’s not Google ,” said Ballmer, according to Lucovsky’s sworn testimony. Lucovsky confirmed that it was indeed Google. Lucovsky testified that Ballmer went ballistic: “Fucking Eric Schmidt is a fucking pussy! I’m going to fucking bury that guy! I have done it before and I will do it again. I’m going to fucking kill Google.” (The reference to having “done it before” seemed to refer to Microsoft’s anticompetitive actions during the browser war, when Schmidt was aligned with the Netscape forces.) For good measure, Ballmer threw a chair across the room, according to Lucovsky. (Ballmer would later say that Lucovsky’s account was exaggerated, but the CEO’s denials were not made under oath.)

The competition between Microsoft and Google is easily explicable in terms of the dynamics of a number of intersecting markets, with their respective positions within them changing as a result of their rivalry, in the process contributing to the transformation of the markets themselves.

But what makes this a matter of grievance? It’s an interesting question to ask what influence personal antagonism exerts over inter-organisational conflict. Is it a product of this organisational competition? Is it a driver of this competition? Or is it both: does the organisational conflict (continently) lead to personal antagonism, by creating situations in which it thrives, which in turn amplifies the organisational conflict, by introducing personal animus into corporate decision making?

what terms would you like to see included in a glossary of social ontology?

Along with Adam Wood from MMU, I’m planning a glossary of social ontology. What terms would it be useful to see included within it? The idea would be to collect and introduce different uses of terminology, rather than to pronounce on their singular correct use. These are the obvious ideas I’ve had so far:

Structure
Agency
Actor
Subject
Relation
Role
Network
Capital
Institution
Organisation

Any more ideas would be much appreciated! Either comment, suggest on Twitter or email me at mark@markcarrigan.net

social engineers have never had so many options at their disposal

From To Save Everything, Click Here by Evgeny Morozov. For a talk about dystopias I’m doing next month, I’m trying to consider the implications of this technology at the level of social ontology. What does it mean to see sinister possibilities inherent in ‘innovations’ like this? Is there anything we can say in the abstract about how likely these possibilities are to be realised? It strikes me that this is necessary, at least if we are to avoid an empiricist attitude of ‘wait and see’ on the one hand or the systematic suppression of technological change on the other.

Or consider a prototype teapot built by British designer- cum- activist Chris Adams . The teapot comes with a small orb that can either glow green (making tea is okay) or red (perhaps you should wait). What determines the coloring? Well, the orb, with the help of some easily available open- source hardware and software, is connected to a site called Can I Turn It On? ( http://www.caniturniton.com ), which, every minute or so, queries Britain’s national grid for aggregate power- usage statistics. If the frequency figure returned by the site is higher than the baseline of 50 hertz, the orb glows green; if lower, red. The goal here is to provide additional information for responsible teapot use. But it’s easy to imagine how such logic can be extended much, much further, BinCam style. Why, for example, not reward people with virtual, Facebook- compatible points for not using the teapot in the times of high electricity usage? Or why not punish those who disregard the teapot’s warnings about high usage by publicizing their irresponsibility among their Facebook friends? Social engineers have never had so many options at their disposal.

Technology and Human Nature

In their Webcam, Daniel Miller and Jolynna Sinanan offer what they describe as a theory of attainment. While I’m not sure they’d accept my terminology, I read this as an attempt to theorise the causal powers of technology in relation to the causal powers of human beings. They start by recognising that “people have relationships with people and they have relationships with technology, and, mostly, we can’t really disentangle the two” (pg. 3) before turning to the question of how we should theorise this entanglement. Their approach resonates with me because their intention is non-conflationary – though they don’t use this term – in the sense that they see understanding the entanglement as necessitating that we understand the respective characteristics of the entities that are ‘tangled up’. In this sense, it preempts work I’d intended to do looking at tendencies towards conflation in theorising the relationship between human beings and technology: upwards conflation (social constructivism), downwards conflation (technological determinism) and central conflation (sociomateriality and co-evolution). Their account begins negatively, taking aim at what they see as a dominant tendency to juxtapose the novel meditations entailed by new technology with our putatively unmediated former state:

Any new media is first experienced as an additional and problematic mediation to our lives. We can’t help but contrast it with some imagined conversation between two people standing in a field as representing the original, unmediated and natural form of communication. A technology, by contrast, is always regarded as something artificial that imposes itself between the conversationalists and mediates that conversation. (pg. 5)

This licenses the nostalgia and despair for what’s lost that can be seen in the work of someone like Sherry Turkle, in which the (umediated) world of face-to-face relationships has been replaced by the (mediated) world of digital connections. From an anthropological standpoint however “there are no unmeditated, pure relationships” (pg. 3) to be dissolved by digital communications. There has always been material culture and, it follows from this, human relationships have never been exhausted by other human beings. Nonetheless, they seek to acknowledge that people do change in relation to technology but not in a way that can be described as becoming ‘more or less human’ (with the weirdly zero-sum relation between humanity and technology which that implies). Their concern is “to find a means of understanding the impact of new technologies that allows us to consider these as radical changes in consciousness and other basic modes of life, but without this being seen as either an increase or decrease in our essential humanity” (pg. 11).

Their theory of attainment seeks to do this by accounting for “how technology becomes an ordinary aspect of being routinely human” (pg. 13). They begin from the observation that “people who have access to a new media are at first usually concerned to use this technology to facilitate things they already had been trying to do, but had up to then been thwarted by the lack of means” (pg. 11): their focus is on ‘latency’, the situational frustrations, which can be found within any group. Technological innovation should be understood in terms of the “situation of incompleteness with respect to what we want to be or do” which invariably characterises the human condition (pg. 11). New technologies initially facilitate things people wanted to do but couldn’t – or perhaps couldn’t easily due to constraints entailed by prior analogues – with these inclinations predating the utilisation of the technology for things people didn’t know they wanted to do. Their interest is in when these technologies cease to be seen as innovations, facilitating frustrated desires before offering unimagined possibilities, instead becoming part of our background understanding of what it is to be human:

It is the next phase, when this facility becomes the merely taken-for-granted condition of what people simply assume as an integral aspect of who they are, which is the realisation of what we are calling attainment. The ability to write is a mark of attainment because we now tend to view those without that ability as though they lacked some fundamental property of being an ordinary human. Originally writing was an achievement, but by now it is considered a necessary condition. For many people, being able to type on a computer, or to drive a car, or speak on a telephone has become a similar mark of attainment. Webcam will serve as an example of this process because of the sheer speed with which it passes from an ideal we had aspired to, to a mundane technology we taken for granted. (pg. 12)

This account conceives of technology as facilitating latent capacities of human beings. As I understand it, they offer the notion of ‘an attainment’ as a way to conceptualise those capacities which rely upon a technological apparatus that we now take for granted: our technological innovations realise latent capacities and, in doing so, change what it is to be human but in a way that recognises this capacity for change as something intrinsic to humanity. This implies “a kind of latency in the human condition, but not merely a litany of pre-given imagined abilities planted in evolutionary time and then coming into being with new technology” (pg. 14):

There was no gene for writing that was frozen until the invention of the pen. Technology in and of itself transforms capacity and changes what human beings can do or can be envisaged as doing. The last of the four stages defined by Miller and Slater in examining technological change, which was called the expansive potential, concerns those aspirations that can only now be imagined thanks to these developments. Technology creates as well as realises latency. (pg. 15)

This theory of attainment offers a framework for analysing the trajectories through which technological innovations are adopted and how the adopters change in the process. It can be usefully applied to the study of individual cases or to much wider social units. This is a view of humanity “that incorporates its own potential for change” (pg. 12) and I think this is crucial: it avoids a view of infinite plasticity, where we are reshaped by technical tools, but also one of inert quiddity, where we remain stubbornly resistant to technologically induced change. It recognises the properties of technology, without leading us into the trap of either seeing the uses to which a technology is put as intrinsic to the technology or as irrelevant to the technology.

What is progress in social theory?

At last year’s International Association for Critical Realism conference, I saw perhaps the most impressive conference presentation I’d witnessed in my five or six years of going to conferences regularly. Jamie Morgan demolished the notion of ‘norm circles’ offered by Dave Elder-Vass and he did so in a way which made a whole host of important meta-theoretical points about the purposes of social theory (while also avoiding making the whole exercise feel at all personal, despite the fact he was kicking down something Elder-Vass had spent the last five or six years building up).The overarching purpose of the exercise was to ask what constitutes progress in social theory. As Morgan says in his write-up of this paper, “it is an issue that becomes significant for any social theory that survives long enough to become a general and recognized position with a range of proponents” (115). As a theoretical position becomes entrenched, internally differentiated into multiple strands with varying degrees of complementarity, it becomes increasingly important to ask what constitutes a progressive development in that position.

On this sort of meta-theoretical level, I’m not sure critical realism is in particularly good health (even if there are events taking place at an institutional level which could leave it stronger than ever). The internal differentiation has become quite pronounced. There’s the obvious distinction between ‘basic’ critical realism*, dialectical critical realism and the meta-reality stuff. But we might also distinguish between systems theoretical strands, relational realism, Marxist orientated realism. Or even perhaps in terms of disciplinary divisions which express themselves in divergent interests, sensitivities, proclivities etc (e.g. sociology, human geography, economics, philosophy). Only the first set of distinctions are ones that are established sites for explicit identification (e.g. I have pretty much zero interest in anything other than ‘basic’ critical realism) but this doesn’t mean the other distinctions aren’t real. They are differences and fault lines within the theoretical corpus, encountered in unpredictable ways through engagement with critical realist thought. Furthermore, there are explicit identities and social networks which emerge, unfold and change across these fault lines (and in turn contribute to the restructuring of this internal differentiation). Some of these stem from supervisory arrangements or recurrent face-to-face meetings (e.g. there’s a definite network connected to Tony Lawson and the Cambridge Social Ontology Group) to the other end of the spectrum, with networks which might be ‘virtual’ or even in some cases ‘imagined’, constituted through textual engagements with real effects but nonetheless in the absence of personal relations.

This multi-dimensional complexity is something likely to grow with an intellectual movement (which I think is a more accurate term than ‘position’) that is sufficiently entrenched, intellectually and institutionally, to avoid gradual dissipation. But very particular risks inhere in security of this sort, as an intellectual movement becomes sufficiently settled to give rise to successive generations of theorists. These are amplified by the necessity for individual scholars to establish a career, with the attendant pressures to publish widely, find some novel framing of an existing issue and generally to capture the attention space within an environment where a publications arms race mitigates against holding anyone’s attention for long. These broader circumstances can tend to distort what counts as ‘progress’, making it ever more important to be explicitly clear about this as a guiding norm on a meta-theoretical level. Jamie Morgan’s argument is very helpful in understanding the intellectual implications of this:

This then is considered progress – lacks, inconsistencies, tensions and contradictions are highlighted and some development then follows. This development is typically inferred to be, by virtue of the very process, more ‘adequate’. However, the meaning frame of adequate here can gradually become ambiguous. Though realism in particular is sensitive to epistemic fallibility and to the potential for an epistemic fallacy – and ultimately ontology is theory so one is careful to never assert a definite identity between ontology and reality – the originating point of the exercise is to under-labour for more adequate accounts of reality. As such, one can ask in what sense the development has actually enhanced one’s understanding of or capacity to undertake further explanatory investigations of reality … ‘Adequacy’ can be directed towards internal projects of social theory addressing aspects of social theory for purposes other than demonstrated adequacy for accounts of reality. They can be about finding difference or reformulating what is actually similar, where both may perhaps be in some sense a non-problem. Furthermore, they can involve the pursuit of categorizations or taxonomies that are then justified as no more than ‘consistent with the existing realist ontology’. The development may then focus on placing an existing alternative framework over the same conceptual terrain – the matter of dispute can then become difference among the positions and where one set of potential weaknesses is traded for another in terms of conceptual critique. (116-117)

http://essential.metapress.com/content/316934k1155kw362/

This is an extremely clear and succinct formulation of what I was struggling to say here. I take Morgan to be saying that a criterion of ‘progress’ is necessary because of the worrying tendency for intellectual movements to tilt towards discursive elaboration, as elaboration comes to hinge on internal points of agreement and disagreement in a way that contributes to the ideational density of the theoretical corpus. It becomes an arcane world, with its own taken for granted axioms, obscure vocabulary and in group / out group distinctions. Sound familiar? This is why the link between theoretical research and empirical research is so important (I say as someone who’s clearly a much better theorist than I am a social researcher but pursues the latter nonetheless). Realist theorists have a tendency to make pronouncements about the ontological regulation of empirical research, which I largely agree with though the point can be overstated. However I think a much more important (and interesting) issue is the empirical regulation of ontological research.

So an important question to ask is: what is ontology for? What is social theory for? What is sociological theory for? These are the questions I’m naturally drawn to, though they’re also ones which tend to be suppressed by structural and cultural tendencies towards growing ideational density in any established theoretical position. As a body of ideas becomes ever denser, more rife with internal distinctions and specialised vocabulary, it’s very easy to lose sight of the underlying question: what is the point of this body of ideas?

*The term ‘basic critical realism’ rather irritates me.

PhD Workshop: What’s the Point of Ontology?

What’s the Point of Ontology?
PhD Workshop at the University of Warwick
18th June 2014, 10am – 5:30pm

Ontology can often prove a contested and confusing issue within social research. Everyone has an ontology, explicit or otherwise, but the process of drawing this out and thinking through its implications for research can often be a confusing part of the PhD process. This participatory workshop explores the practical significance of ontological questions for social research, inviting participants to reflect on their own research projects in a collaborative and supportive context. It aims to help participants negotiate the sometimes abstruse matter of social ontology, linking theory to practice in the context of their own research projects. The main focus throughout the day will be on how ontological questions are encountered in social research, the questions posed by such encounters and how engaging explicitly with social ontology can often help resolve such issues.

All participants will offer a brief (5 minute) presentation of their research project and the ontological questions which have been or are expected to be encountered within it. Those still early in the PhD process are welcome to substitute this for a discussion of their research interests and potential project. We’d like to ask all participants to reflect in advance on their own social ontology and how it pertains to their project. Uncertainty here is not a problem, in fact it will be a useful contribution to discussions on the day!

We also invite two more substantial presentations (10 mins) for the first afternoon session, reflecting on your engagement with ontological questions in your own project in order to help begin a practical engagement which encompasses the entire group. If you would be interested in leading the discussion in this way then please make this known when registering.

To register please contact socialontology@warwick.ac.uk with a brief description of your research and your interest in social ontology (500 words or less) by May 15th. The event is free but places are limited. Travel bursaries are available, please ask for more details.

The Centre for Social Ontology
http://go.warwick.ac.uk/socialontology/

Groups: Challenges for Contemporary Political Philosophy

Groups:

Challenges for Contemporary Political Philosophy

University of Rennes 1, November 19-21, 2014

Call for Papers

Groups matter in political philosophy, most would now agree – but precisely how they matter is contentious. Group-related issues emerge in various contexts of debate: the redressing of past or current injustices suffered by ethnic or cultural minorities; the nature and scope of group rights; the appropriate treatment of a certain specific identity/cultural/ethnic group. Less prominent, though, is a comprehensive analysis of groups as both agents and objects of social policies. This is the aim of our conference.

What challenges are posed to social, moral, or political philosophy when addressing a collection of individuals who act or are treated in a collective way? Answering this involves consideration about how institutions should treat groups, but also of the normative implications of taking groups as possible social agents, when acting either in vertical relations with the state or in horizontal relations with other groups (or individuals). This conference aims to bring together scholars from a large range of disciplinary backgrounds, from social ontology to sociology and anthropology, through ethics and normative philosophy, in order to explore these questions from both theoretical and practical perspectives. We hope to combine questions about the nature of groups, and their social and political impacts, with attention to the particular, pressing normative questions to which the negotiation of group-related issues gives rise.

Invited speakers: Lawrence Blum (Boston University), Catherine Colliot-Thélène (Université de Rennes 1), Vincent Descombes (EHESS), Tariq Modood (University of Bristol).

We invite paper proposals along the following lines:

Methodological and Ontological issues

What specific questions, if any, does the existence of groups pose to a theory of justice, or a theory of recognition, or a theory of democracy?
Why should groups matter in moral, social, or political, philosophy– and if they do, what kinds of group?
Should we consider groups as significant units of analysis of the social world, or should we operate with more dynamic concepts of group formation?
How and why are groups constructed entities, but nevertheless normatively relevant ones?

Normative and Political issues

What kinds of theory, principles or norms might political thinkers propose in order to tackle the particular questions which groups pose?
How is the specific moral status of groups staked out: for instance, (how) can they be attributed with moral responsibility?
Should we strongly differentiate between different types of group — on the ground that it entitles them to variable claims for differential treatment, or differentiated group rights?
Do recent proposals for renewing theoretical frames in political philosophy, such as participative democracy or cosmopolitanism, offer new paths for appreciating the role and function of groups in political theory?

Paper proposals of max. 1000 words should be sent by April 21, 2014, to

groups.conference@gmail.com

Notification of acceptance will be sent by the end of May.

Proposals may be sent in English or in French. However, the working language of the conference will be English.

The ontology of books

I read a book a decade ago and struggle with it. I read it again now and find it astonishingly thought-provoking. How do you explain this? It seems I bring something different to the book on the second reading: concepts, experiences and knowledge which I lacked at the time of the first reading. But what role does the book play? It seems obvious to me that this can only be explained in terms of the interaction of two sets of properties and powers: mine and those of the book itself. I have changed in the aforementioned decade but the book has not. The causal role of the latter is not trivial and understanding it opens up really interesting questions about the ontology of books. Books can change us but, as we change, so too does what we bring to books as we engage with them.

What’s the point of ontology? Outline of an approach to the sociology of social theory

Ontology itself, or what we might more accurately describe as the practice of ontological reasoning within sociology, remains contested. As Wan (2012: 20) observes “the (mostly legitimate) distrust in ontology has led researchers to abstain from ontological commitments and interrogations”. The degree of convergence which does exist in the conceptual vocabulary of sociology (‘structures’, ‘institutions’, ‘networks’, ‘agents’ can partially obscure the sheer extent of the substantive disagreement exhibited in how these terms are conceptualised. As Tsilipakos (2012) adroitly observes in a scathing critique of ontological reasoning, it is a mistake to infer a uniform referential use from a concept without looking at what is being said with them. This is something which should be borne in mind when following Elder-Vass’s otherwise persuasive line of argument about the importance of social ontology. Identifying a pervasive resistance to understanding social structure as the causal powers of social entities he writes,

“seems to me perverse, particularly amongst realists. When we discuss non-social causal powers we refer to the entities that possess them—we would not discuss physics without attributing the causal powers concerned particular particles, or chemistry without molecules, or biochemistry without cells or psychology without people. Why, then, is it assumed that we can discuss “social structure” as a genus of causal powers while ignoring the entities that such talk implicitly depends upon?” (Elder-Vass 2007: 4)

The point cannot be stressed enough that social researchers do not ‘ignore’ the entities invoked in their explanations using terms like ‘structure’. Recognising that research and ontology cannot be decoupled, such that we cannot study X without implicitly and explicitly committing ourselves to at least some understanding of X’s composition, does not necessitate any particular substantive implications as to how the social ontology expressly affirmed by specific researchers serves to constrain and enable the practice of research. We can accept that “all scientific research has to proceed by dint of some ontological hypotheses” and that “ontology can both facilitate and hinder interesting research questions and designs” (Wan 2012: 22) while equally resisting a view of sociological practice which construes ontological reasoning as underwriting or founding the epistemic viability of its substantive outputs. For instance if successful empirical research was anything other than weakly dependent on ontological reasoning as a practice, it stands to reason that the profound confusion Elder-Vass (2007, 2008, 2010) correctly identifies in invocations of ‘structure’ as a concept would have precluded any meaningful sociological enterprise. Practitioners know what they are talking about when they use terms, even if those terms are simultaneously characterised by a referential inadequacy, the amelioration of which might contribute to the success of their practice. In his defence, he seems to at least tacitly recognise this point,

“Any empirical fact that the emergentist interprets as evidence of causal power of a social entity can be re-interpreted by the individualist as evidence of the causal power of the particular individuals involved in the events concerned. Thus, for example, when the emergentist say that a bank has the causal power to make a loan to a person, the individualist can respond that it is really the individuals that make up the bank that have this causal power.” (Elder-Vass 2007: 9)

But this nonetheless raises the question: if social ontology cannot, practically, legislate on interpretation then how should we understand its role? Others take this ‘elasticity’ of ontological concepts, such that any data can be read into them, as evidence of a degree of generality which makes them unsuitable for substantive use in empirical research (Cruickshank 2008: 579). In Elder-Vass’s work there is an over-estimation of the value of social ontology in itself, as opposed to how it can be used and developed by both practitioners and theorists. At times he seems to suppose that without an adequate ontology, social inquiry is impossible. His naturalist impulse, driving his (commendable) desire for ontological specificity in the social sciences to match that of the natural sciences leaves a chasm between what he sees as an “abstract, generalised or meta-physical ontology” (emergentist) and the practical application of this “to the needs of particular disciplines or groups of disciplines in combination with the specific empirical knowledge of those disciplines” in order to generate “domain-specific ontologies” (method for social ontology) (Elder-Vass 2010: 68). He has an overly truncated account of the former and excessively ambitious aims for the latter. Given the lack of anything which mediates between abstract statement of emergentist ontology and formulations of domain specific entities and structures, his more specific proposals, interesting though they are, take on a curiously taxonomic character. In his own words, with emphasis added,

“We must identify the entities that possess emergent causal powers, the mechanisms responsible for those powers and the parts and the relations between those parts that are characteristic of the type of entity concerned and necessary to the mechanisms underlying its powers” (Elder-Vass 2010: 86)

Porpora (2007) is understandably uneasy about how ubiquitous emergence becomes when the world is seen in this light. Though this is not a reason, in itself, to reject the emergentist ontology Elder-Vass develops, it does sit uneasily with the intriguingly static picture of the social world which emerges from it. On the one hand emergence is seen as quotidian, such that any individual confronts and co-constitutes all manner of emergent collectivities. On the other hand emergence is understood in terms of “specific types of social entity with identifiable human members and characteristics types of relations between them” (Elder-Vass 2007). Surely the complexity of the former precludes the clarity of the latter? If we take emergence seriously, does this not entail that the social world must be fundamentally messy? The idea that a taxonomic approach to social ontology is both possible and useful, even with the caveat that it should be generated iteratively and that the results are always provisional, conceptually presupposes certain limitations on the quantity of mechanisms we take to be at work in the social world. But if we consistently draw out the consequences both of an emergentist understanding of social structure and the reflexivity of individuals then it becomes difficult to see how the ontology of social entities (with the ‘parts’, including the material, as well as the relations between them producing the distinctive causal powers of emergent wholes) could be treated taxonomically at the level of abstraction at which Elder-Vass wishes to do so: our shared ontological commitments entail a complexity to the social world which cannot, in turn, be legitimately cashed out in an abstract taxonomy of social entities. All the more so when we recall the interweaving of such entities, at the level of both the ‘parts’ and the ‘whole’, within a fundamentally open system (Bhaskar 2008, Elder-Vass 2007b, Elder-Vass 2010). My point is not that a taxonomy of social structure is impossible, far from it, but simply that elaborating it in the way that Elder-Vass attempts to, even when the method for doing so is spelt out explicitly, leaves the resulting work open to the attack of being an overly-regulative ontology.

While disagreeing with some of the stronger claims made by Kemp (2012) and Holmwood and Kemp (2003) attacking the role of social ontology in regulating empirical research, they nonetheless raise a crucial issue about the relationship between the two within critical realist thought, highlighting what Kemp (2012: 176) identifies as the overlooked “dependency of ontological argument on pre-existing scientific research, both to supply the initial premises for transcendental deduction, and to supply valid theories from which valid ontological claims can be derived”. Cruickshank (2010) makes a similar point. Given this, it becomes necessary to clarify the relationship between social ontology and empirical research within realist social theory. Kemp (2012) recognises the commitment of Archer (1995) to ontology being reciprocally regulated by what is empirically discovered, though suggests this is not enacted in practice within her work and that, furthermore, priority is given to the elaboration of ontological argument and that this is pursued as a separate activity to research. He goes on to claim that even if “there is something ontologically distinctive about the social world, however, this does not entail that abstract philosophical argument can establish what it is prior to empirical research”. Interestingly though, he conflates this with a somewhat different claim: “the idea that there is something very special about the subject matter of the social sciences leads realists to believe that ontological clarification must lay the groundwork for empirical research” (Kemp 2012: 181). The sense of the first depends on what ‘establish’ is taken to mean. If Kemp is saying that the distinctiveness of the social does not justify the elaboration of incorrigible first principles about the nature of that distinctiveness then he is undoubtedly correct. If, on the other hand, he is saying that no meaningful ontological arguments can be made delineating the dimensions of that distinctiveness then he is on shakier ground. My suspicion is that Kemp intends the former and this makes his claim unproblematic. However he seems to equate this first claim about ontology with a second claim about explanatory methodology. Yet we can accept that ‘abstract philosophical argument’ does not definitively establish what is ‘ontologically distinctive’ about the social while still claiming that what we do take to be the case ontologically about the social (open, emergent, relational, reflexive) entails the practical need for ‘abstract philosophical argument’ about what we are studying and how we should study it i.e. we can accept limitations on what ontological reasoning is taken to establish while still arguing that these are useful conversations to have as a support to empirical research.

Perhaps Kemp’s objection relates to an imperialistic approach to the ‘what’ rather than a practical approach to the ‘how’? In practice the two should not be disconnected, though frequently they are, because ontological reasoning disconnected from explanatory impulse will always tend towards being sterilely legislative, in the sense of being disconnected from the practical context in which ontological questions are confronted by the practitioner. When “many sociologists ‘prefer’ to remain to observe the ‘ever changing nature of the social’ without being limited by pre-defined set of categories” (Bortolini 2007) it is far from surprising if there is a pervasive scepticism in contemporary sociology towards the relationship of ontological concepts to the research process. The specific arguments made by Kemp and Holmwood concerns the truth claims made through the referential dimension of ontological concepts and how these should both follow from and be subject to the scrutiny of empirical research:

Natural science has frequently involved successful research without the regulation of ontological concepts. Therefore their necessity to social scientific research is questionable.
Ontological concepts can often ‘shut down’ what might be otherwise potent lines of inquiry by foreclosing the substantive questions which researchers address. Even when grounded in past empirically successful theories they must be open to revision on both empirical and theoretical grounds.
Even if we accept that all theories contact some ontological presuppositions, it does not follow that prior examination of these is necessary to empirical research.
Our ontological claims about structures “must be tested by finding situations in which the properties of the structural influence in question are apparent in spontaneously occurring or analytically derived regularities” because otherwise these “are, at best, speculative, and certainly cannot be used to rule out competing possibilities” (Holmwood and Kemp 2003: 18)
“As the key supporting evidence in favour of an ontology is its derivation from an empirical theory that is widely held to be successful, until such theories are generated in social science there is little to be gained from engaging in ontological argument” (Kemp 2012: 182)

To those who maintain the value of social ontology, this last claim in particular holds out a deeply worrying prospect of methodological strictures tying social inquiry in an inescapable gordian knot. Even if the broader point of this section’s argument is conceded in a minimal form, namely that the specific characteristics of the social as have been provisionally characterised entail social science has a greater need for ontological clarity than the natural sciences, then it is difficult to see how Kemp’s demand could be met: without some underlying agreement on matters of ontology, no matter what form that takes, then it is unlikely that a theory could be “widely held to be successful” in the manner which Kemp takes to be necessary for licensing ontological argument. Such an emergent consensus would presuppose some shared evaluative frame of reference and, it is argued, this cannot emerge with confronting ontological questions. Much as Elder-Vass over-estimates the importance of ontology to research, Holmwood and Kemp systematically underestimate it, as a result of over generalising from specific pathologies which afflict ontological debates. This leaves them with an account of ontological concepts as exhausted by reference, with no account of how ontological concepts are used in spite of whatever referential inadequacy is taken to inhere in them.

It is not an objection to quantitative methods as such to question how broadly useful Holmwood and Kemp’s (2001) proposal to test structural concepts using statistical methods would be, particularly given their acceptance of the realist claim that, though this is valid, further inquiry is necessary to establish causation (Sayer 1992, Elder-Vass 2010). If we accept Smith’s (2010: 289-290) argument that “variables do not make things happen in the social world” then, as much utility as we may see in the capacity of statistical methods to identify regularities, this unavoidably demands further inquiry into what actual processes are producing the empirical regularity. If we take multiple determination seriously, as Holmwood and Kemp (2001) seem to, this subsequent investigation must proceed on an understanding that “each of the component micro-social events” underlying the empirically observed regularity is “multiply determined by many intersecting causal powers, including individual agency and indeed biological and psychological causal factors, as well as the powers of social structures” (Elder-Vass 2010: 190). If this is denied then theory is subjugated to variables sociology in a manner which, particularly given the pragmatist concerns which motivate their critique, would leave Holmwood and Kemp (2001) offering us something startlingly reminiscent of positivism at its worst (Holmwood 2011b). A similar difficulty can be seen in Kivinen and Piiroinen’s (2006) anti-foundationalist pragmatism which attacks the ‘metaphysical language game of ontology’ while affirming a ‘problem-centred’ view of social inquiry. It is an appealing vision of social inquiry shifting from intractable theoretical disputes to practical methodological work but it presupposes a unanimity as to how problems and the criteria of their proposed resolution which simply does not exist nor, crucially, could exist without at least some recourse to the discussions of truth independent of inquiry which have been declared verboten.

Though Holmwood and Kemp (2001, 2012) seem to retain some sympathy to the realist project, as well as being entirely correct that theory should be scrutinised empirically, admitting ontological concepts only when their referential accuracy can be empirically confirmed has profound ramifications which the authors fail to fully unpack. Smith (2010: 213) offers a reformulation of Sayer’s concept of truth as ’practical adequacy’ which is useful for understanding where Homwood and Kemp (2012) have left us, suggesting that, contra Sayer (1992, 2004) “truth is truth not because of practical adequacy, but rather because practical adequacy is one criterion for coming to truth”. The point can be made without invoking realist terminology, as simply a matter of the difference between what a concept refers to and how it is used,

“There is evidently room in our language and our social life for phrases such as “changing the economic system”, “abolishing capitalism” etc. The reason these phrases can cause trouble is because it is easily forgotten (especially when theorising) that we need to pay attention to what is being said with them. Instead of paying attention to what contrast, for instance, is marked by the insistence on changing social structures (e.g. that it is not only individual cases we need to change or, to use a relatively recent example, that it is not enough that Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak stepped down) the assumption is all too easily made that unless an expression names some kind of thing which is material (or occupying another ontological status—what are the options really?), it is otherwise merely rhetorical (or metaphorical), i.e. ontologically invalid.” (Tsilipakos 2012) 212)

Though much more cautious about rhetorical and metaphorical language, this is instructive for the present argument. The use and reference of ontological concepts, which is variable on a conceptual level in an entirely empirical manner, represents something which is practically negotiated by researchers in specific settings. This is why it is has been possible for research to be conducted into social structure in spite of the profound lack of unanimity regarding the question of what ‘structures’ are (Elder-Vass 2007, 2008, 2010). Conversely though, Cruickshank’s (2010) fallibilism obscures the complexity of how ontological concepts are used in empirical research and how this usage relates to the real structures of the social which they characterise with varying degrees of accuracy. If concepts are found, as an emergent characteristic of their use for explanatory purposes, to exhibit some degree of practical adequacy, this leads to the obvious question: what it is about the world which explains this adequacy? The referential linkage is not lost but nor can it be used to straightforwardly adjudicate between competing ontological claims. Contra Cruickshank (2010) the lay knowledge drawn upon in ontological reasoning can be that of those engaged in the practice of social research and, I wish to maintain, this is the case much more frequently than tends to be recognised. But it it should always be open to revision because, as Holmwood (1995: 417) puts it “any such ‘disorder’ attributed to the ‘real’ will be an artefact of our theoretical confusion, not a feature of the world adequately expressed in a disorderly theory”.

There is a practical embedding of ontological claims which Reed and Alexander (2009:30) overlook in their claim that the “referential realities of sociological explanations, then, are meanings”: it does not follow from accepting there is “no isomorphism between language and reality” that language is therefore detached from the extra-discursive world (Sayer 2000: 35-39) because human beings, even social theorists, are ineluctably thrown into the natural and the practical order, as well as the social (Archer 2000). There are fundamental dimensions to the social which, regardless of how they are construed theoretically, ineluctably confront those undertaking empirical research into any aspect of it:

“in the human and behavioural sciences, the analytical connection or co-relation between individual and social processes, between cognitive (mental) and social (group) structures, or between ‘habitus’ and ‘field’ … is often understood and elaborated as the big problem of bridging the ‘micro’ and ‘macro’ levels” (Lydaki and Tsekeris 2011: 68).

The apparent diversity with which this ‘gap’ is characterised within social theory points to the intractability of the underlying issue (Willmott 2000: 67). Archer (1995) calls this the ‘vexatious fact of society’: how do we make sense of the relationship between the individual actors we see around us and the wider social order which appears to shape but also be shaped by their actions? The dualisms which proliferate within social theory do so, in part, as a result of a failure to resolve this underlying question. There is nothing in this claim which entails accepting one particular way of characterising it and the often insufficiently examined assumption that this is otherwise has too frequently conflated the distinguishable questions of the dimensionality of the social (which researchers attempt to cope with practically through their explicit and implicit use of more or less general concepts) and the precise way in which this dimensionality is characterised ontologically in referential terms, as well as the explanatory schema entailed more or less directly by the ensuing ontology. The proposal being made here is two fold. Firstly that, qua empirical claim, the distinction drawn by among others, Bunge, between ‘general’ and ‘regional’ ontologies (Wan 2012: 22) does not map onto the practice of ontological reasoning within sociology. Secondly that, qua normative claim, this entails certain prescriptive consequences for the orientation of ontology as a practice. The difficulty lies in the tendency for practically orientated discussion about agreement in relation to the former to be crowded out by arguments stemming from disagreement in relation to the latter. Disputes at this second level, as well as inter and intra paradigmatic elaboration of positions taken, occlude the agreements which do exist at the first level and work to preclude the “epistemologically healthy capacity for meta-theory – that is, for a sincere, uninterrupted and open-ended dialogue between opposing worldviews and paradigms” (Lydaki and Tsekeris 2011: 71). The claim being made here about ‘Generalities II’ (conceptual frameworks) and ‘Generalities III’ (substantive theory) in Althusser’s sense (Mouzellis 1995: 1) is not a conceptual one but rather a sociological one about their cultural production: how disagreement with regards to the latter work to preclude agreement about practical criteria which might govern the development, evaluation and refinement of the former. The critique being made of the detraditionalization literature can be framed in such terms: as Turner (2010: 32) observes it proceeds at the level of Generalities III with, at most, only an implicit grounding in Generalities II, yet I have argued that this literature is frequently used as if it were an instance of Generalities II i.e. as a “set of conceptual tools for looking at social phenomena in such a way that interesting questions are generated and methodologically proper linkages established between different levels of analysis” (Mouzellis 1995: 3). It could be suggested that this is reflective of an underlying need for formal theory, particularly given the intellectual orientation of contemporary micro-sociology (Mouzellis 2008), which is compounded by disciplinary fragmentation i.e. substantive areas of inquiry will tend to only offer and produce substantive theory (Holmwood 2011a, 2011b, Turner 2010) and a paucity of approaches which combine formal and substantive theory in a way which keeps the link between theory and empirical research in good health.

These trends have contributed to the state of affairs which Scott (2005a) describes: the nature of the ‘social’ rarely being defined with any precision, despite its centrality to sociology as a discipline. When agreements at this level do exist, they tend to emerge as conflictual consensuses (the obvious example being the structure/agency debate) such that their holistic reconstruction qua agreement tends to be restricted to theorists elaborating accounts within them (driving their spiralling complexity and, over time, eroding the practical utility of the emergent consensus) or their simplified reconstruction for pedagogical purposes. What gets systematically squeezed out is dialogue about the explanatory implications of the broader agreement (rather than just a particular party to it) and, with it, the development of explanatory tools which can help bridge the gap between social ontology and practical research. This is something which has consequences beyond sociology in and of itself, as disciplines like criminology and other, more or less integrated, areas of inquiry that sociology has fed take concepts and problematics from the ‘parent’ discipline (Rosenfeld 2010). This disciplinary dynamic tends towards the further detachment of ontological debate from empirical research. Yet, as Reed and Alexander (2009: 22) observe of the renewed vigour of empirical research which has emerged in this context, “the return to the empirical in our sociological practice has also had the effect of obscuring our understanding of just what the empirical is”.

The point being made is not that explanatory tools, when they are elaborated, must somehow transcend second level disagreement in order to consolidate first level agreement but simply that the ontological basis upon which they are forged at level 2 should be translatable into shared terms of reference at level 1. Unlike the concepts we draw upon in everyday life, examined knowledge seeks to maximise practical adequacy (Sayer 1992: 151). Yet it is only with shared terms of reference that this maximisation can progress in a theoretical register. Cruickshank (2010) is correct in his observation that Archer’s (2000b) invocation of the causal criterion (i.e. establishing reality through its causal efficacy) to ground the reality of social structure does not in itself justify her substantive ontological claims because there are other ways in which the recognition (individuals confront social circumstances which exercise causal powers even if they fail to recognise these, mischaracterise them or wish them away) could be characterised ontologically. But the causal criterion can establish the dimensionality of the social world and, if the underlying principle is accepted, constitutes an explanatory gain over an ontology which fails to recognise this dualism. Similarly, contra Kemp (2012), theoretical knowledge can (and sometimes does) progress through practical reason i.e. by seeking to establish some claim X on the basis of logical argument preceding from shared premises rather than on some evidence Y which incontrovertibility establishes its truth (MacIntyre 1981, Taylor 1995). Al-Amoudi and Willmott (2011) suggest that ontological reasoning in this mode, arguing from shared assumptions rather than foundational claims, has been an important trend within critical realist thought, albeit an under recognised and under theorised one. Unlike the moral issues which have been the primary focus of neo-Aristotelian account, ontological disagreements within a context of broader consensus will tend to generate empirical questions which cannot be settled in theoretical terms. If and when research addresses such issues which have emerged theoretically these then become directly pertinent for the theoretical programme from which they ensued.

Turner’s (2010: 28) pessimist appraisal that “there is not and never will be a means of overcoming the apparent arbitrariness of sociological reasoning and the vagueness of its concepts” because “in the social sciences observation has a less disciplining effect on the sociologist because his or her theorising is less subject to the discipline of an agreed theoretical apparatus or experimental procedure” rests on an occlusion of the emergent linkages between theoretical research and empirical research which, partly as a result of such pessimism, are too rarely acted upon. Broader disciplinary issues discussed in the previous chapter play a role as well, with an increasing tendency for an (often interdisciplinary) specialised focus on “individual substantive problem areas” each of which “develop its attendant body of localised theory” (Turner 2010: 28) working to preclude the possibility of an “intellectual base that involves a firm and clear awareness of the distinctive point of view that sociologists can offer” (Scott 2005b) which in turn fuels the spiral into fragmented inquiry into substantive problem areas. We have, as Savage (2010: 663) puts it, “a stand-off between more empirical forms of sociology and more speculative theoretical concerns, which finds it difficult to offer more sustained methodological elaboration or advance”. However Holmwood (2010a) cautions presciently against responding to this situation by calling for a new ‘theoretical core’ to reunify sociological inquiry,

“Sociology seems to produce a number of co-existing and mutually exclusive (semi) paradigms which continually split and re-form in different combinations. Those who are committed to the idea of the necessity of a ‘theoretical core’ frequently argue that such a situation represents a moment of synthesis, a moment that requires the development of a uniﬁed frame of reference representing structure and agency as presuppositional categories (as argued, for example, by Parsons,Alexander Habermas, Giddens,Archer, Scott, etc.). The fact that an accepted synthesis never comes and that each new attempt gives rise to further critique suggests that ‘synthesis’ is one of the moves that gives rise to new splits and forms and is not, therefore, a resolution (Holmwood 2010a)

Such moves do, it seems, fuel fragmentation rather than resolving it. One particular risk is that “synthesis appears to be achieved only by increased abstraction from more immediate issues of explanation” (Homwood 2009: 53). Yet as Cruickshank (2010: 599) observes, “knowledge grows as substantive, empirical research problems are encountered with theoretical and methodological ‘tools’ being adapted to meet the research problem”. This is to some extent the position I wish to take in this thesis. The point of contention is Cruickshank’s implication that this is in some way hostile to ontological reasoning. I am arguing that the practical reasoning he implicitly invokes here, as with Kemp (2012), necessitates some shared evaluative frame of reference before it becomes possible to build ‘tools’, apply them in research, integrate the findings of that research into the tool-building process and adapt these tools to specific research problems. We all, as it were, need to be in the same workshop for broadly similar reasons before the eminently practical approach to theory these authors advocate becomes possible. Unfortunately these broadly similar motivations, such as characterise the structure/agency debate and King’s (2010) ‘new relational consensus’, too often descend into internal arguments about specific differences.

Such arguments are valuable, indeed necessary, however their resolution requires empirical elaboration via the building of ‘tools’, research conducted using them and their subsequent refinement and analysis of the implications stemming from the research that has been carried out with them. Without this, abstract debates fuels internal differentiation of positions leading to the splitting (and subsequent reformation) which Holmwood (2010a) identifies. Yet in this thesis it is being assumed that we all wish to repudiate such an “evident fragmentation of social theory into a series of mutually inconsistent, partial accounts” (Holmwood 1995: 414). The issue at stake is not some mystical ‘theoretical core’ which will forever ideationally bind an emergent cultural agent together but rather that such a ‘binding’, in so far as it is possible, can only come from an empirical refinement of the underlying theoretical agreements for as long as its constitutive cultural actors are able to sustain a research agenda which they find both professionally productive and intellectually satisfying. Without adequate regulation ‘from outside’, such as to involve cultural actors either directly or indirectly in refining their particular commitments empirically, the elaboration of a theoretical research programme will tend towards ever growing ideational density, as cultural elaboration comes to revolve around the articulation of abstract convergences/divergences which have no logical end point. Given that, as Archer (1988: 177) puts it, “the more complex the internal structure becomes, the more difficult it is to assimilate new items without major disruption of the delicately articulated interconnections”, there is an tendency for the internal density of a meta-theoretical consensus to be inversely proportional to its potential for empirical elaboration and refinement.

In other words: empirical refinements of theories, when indeed they are refinements (and they often will not be, in a variety of ways and for a variety of reasons), will reduce the internal complexity of a theoretical conspectus. Such an ‘outward’ orientation is conducive towards theoretical openness and ‘bridge-building’ rather than pre-emptive closure (Mouzellis 2008: 221-224). Or as Reed and Alexander (2009: 25) phrase it, in their description of the “meaning-world of contemporary theory”, I am arguing that an absence of empirical regulation leads to intellectual traditions which are “massively theoreticized, so deleteriously disconnected from the disciplined pursuit of the empirical through sociological research”. This section began as a critique of Elder-Vass’s approach to ontology which, I argued, over estimated the importance of ontological reasoning to empirical research. I wish to argue that the direction of concern here should be reversed: rather than worrying about the lack of ontological regulation of empirical research, we should instead be concerned with the empirical regulation of ontological research because it is only on this basis that practically orientated explanatory frameworks grounded in a community of practice become sustainable (though I am suggesting that this is a necessary, rather than sufficient, condition).

I have outlined what I take to be the generative mechanism underlying the fragmentation in social theory, which I referred to at the start of this section as a tendency for ontological reasoning disconnected from explanatory impulse towards being sterilely legislative. The explanatory impulse, the framing of ontological reasoning by an understanding that it is important to build ‘tools’ and empirically regulate theories, helps abate the tendency for theoretical agreement to spiral into unproductive abstraction. However the sociological fact of theoretical agreement is of course not only a matter of logical argument; power and context also play an obvious role in its emergence (Fuller 2000), particularly in establishing the status of ‘iconic’ scholars (Bartmanski 2012). But it is precisely this kind of cultural system / socio-cultural dynamic which I take myself to have established in the brief sketch above.

To anyone who got this far, thoughts are much appreciated. This was a chapter of my PhD which I had to remove because it had little to no relation to anything else in my thesis. I’ve kept it on my desktop for ages but it occurred earlier today when I stumbled across it that I’m very unlikely to ever turn into a paper or chapter. There’s the basis of a book I one day hope to write (The Sociology of Intellectual Faddishness) in this chapter but the ideas are too messy for me to do anything with it directly. I feel a weird mix of pride and embarrassment when confronted with this chapter – it’s such an intensely ambivalent reaction that I figure the most interesting thing to do is throw the chapter out into the world to see what, if anything, other people make of it.

An eerily poetic defence of ontology

The ostensibly revolutionary transition from consciousness to language still leaves humans in absolute command as the primary subject matter of philosophy. All that happens is that the lucid, squeaky-clean ego of phenomenology is replaced by a more troubled figure- a drifter determined by his context, unable to fully transcend the structures of his environment. In both cases, the inanimate world is left by the wayside, treated as little better than dust or rubble. When rocks collide with wood, when fire melts glass, when cosmic rays cause protons to disintegrate, we are asked to leave all of this to the physicists alone. Philosophy has gradually renounced its claim to have anything to do with the world itself. Fixated on the perilous leap between subject and object, it tells us nothing about the chasm that separates tree from root, or that dividing ligament from bone. Forfeiting all comment on the realm of objects, it sets itself up as master of a single gap between self and world, where it holds court with a never-ending sequence of paradoxes, accusations, counter-charges, partisan gangs, excommunications, and alleged renaissances.

Meanwhile, beneath this ceaseless argument, reality is churning. Even as the philosophy of language and its supposedly reactionary opponents both declare victory, the arena of the world is jam-packed with diverse objects, their forces unleashed and mostly unloved. Red billiard ball smacks green billiard ball. Snowflakes glitter in the light that cruelly annihilates them; damaged submarines rust along the ocean floor. As flour emerges from mills and blocks of limestone are compressed by earthquakes, gigantic mushrooms spread in the Michigan forest. While human philosophers bludgeon each other over the very possibility of “access” to the world, sharks bludgeon tuna fish, and icebergs smash into coastlines.

All of these entities roam across the cosmos, inflicting blessings and punishments on everything they touch, perishing without a trace or spreading their powers further–as if a million animals had broken free from a zoo in some Tibetan cosmology. Will philosophy remain satisfied with not addressing any of these objects by name, so as to confine itself to a “more general” discussion of the condition of the condition of the condition of possibility of ever referring to them? Will philosophy continue to lump together monkeys, tornadoes, diamonds, and oil under the single heading of that-which-lies-outside? Or is there some possibility of an object-oriented philosophy, a sort of alchemy for describing the transformations of one entity into another, for outlining the ways in which they seduce or destroy humans and non-humans alike?

– Graham Harman, Object-Oriented Philosophy

Mark Carrigan

Tag: ontology